Nathan Bom, a Dhaka University Fine Arts Institute graduate, now heads the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF), a separatist armed group. Formerly involved in leftist politics, he’s now a feared figure in the hills, a name of horror to all. Born and raised in Aden neighborhood, Ruma Upazila, he founded the Kuki-Chin National Development Organization (KNDO) before going into hiding. Following law enforcement operations targeting militant camps, a KNF Facebook page warned that any attack on their Phiangpadung headquarters would swiftly escalate into a dire situation.
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Coordinated anti-militant operations by hill organizations made headlines as Nathan Bom, initially motivated by rivalry with Santu Larma, engaged in terrorism. Known for sculpting Larma’s statue, Bom’s armed group recently targeted Thanchi police station and conducted armed robberies and abductions. Identified with the Bom ethnic group, they demand a separate state through a KNF Facebook page, claiming to represent six ethnic groups and providing a map of the proposed territory.
KNF’s Militant Training
KNF claims that hundreds of members of their military wing migrated to Myanmar’s Kachin province for guerrilla training a few years ago. A trained team returns in 2021. Many go into hiding this year. However, many claim that efforts are being made to bring KNF back to everyday life.
The issue of training of militants in KNF camps started coming into the media. KNF has been accused of providing training to Jamaatul Ansar in return for money. According to media reports, more than 50 militants participated in training at the KNF camp. The new militant organization Jamaatul Ansar Phil Hindal Sharqiya also set up a training camp at the KNF camp in remote Hills. According to the sources, a coordinated operation of law and order forces was conducted targeting that camp in Bandarban.
A press conference by RAB revealed that 55 youths from 19 districts joined the new militant outfit, Jamaatul Ansar, through a movement called ‘Hijrat’. The full names and addresses of 38 of them were disclosed, many of whom were reportedly in KNF training camps in remote Bandarban areas. Training of these militants in KNF camps includes handling AK-47 rifles, pistols, and shotguns, making bombs or IEDs, and ambush training. Interrogations of 12 arrested Jamaatul Ansar members unveiled a militant training center on the hills, indicating over 50 more members. Formed by leaders of banned militant groups Ansar Al Islam, JMB, and Harkatul Jihad, Jamaatul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya was established in 2019 after organizing since 2017.
According to law enforcement agencies, various militant organizations in the country have tried to establish hideouts or bases in the hills in the past. Some buy land, some establish small madrasas or some other process. Sometimes, it is tried under the guise of voluntary organizations or NGOs.
The KNF hideout is near Salapaupara in Ruma Upazila, bordering India and Myanmar. KNF has carried out nine major terrorist incidents in the last two years. Five army personnel were killed in four attacks by KNF terrorists last year. Eight people were killed in the Khamtangpara area of Rowangchari upazila and one in Ruma upazila last year in a clash with a section of UPDF, another armed group.
Apart from this, on May 8 last year, three members of the Bom community, including an Awami League leader, were shot dead in Rowangchari upazila. On March 22, 2023, a shopkeeper named Thongchul Bom was shot dead in Ramtharpara of the same upazila. On June 21, 2022, three persons were shot dead by terrorists in the Saizam neighborhood of Barathali Union of Bilaichhari, Rangamati.
Conflict Between JSS and UPDF
The Chattogram Hill Tracts Jana Sanhati Samiti, or JSS, started an armed struggle in the Chattogram Hill Tracts in the mid-1970s to demand autonomy. Their armed wing was known as Shanti Bahini. This armed movement lasted over two decades and ended on December 2, 1997, after the historic Chittagong Hill Tracts Agreement. During this armed struggle, several small armed groups, along with Garam Bani, were formed in the hills. But they didn’t last long. After the agreement, anti-agreement Hill youth formed the United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF). The conflict between JSS and UPDF has not stopped even today.
Among these, in 2007, a part of JSS broke away from the leading group and formed another organization called JSS Lerma Group. In the middle of 2011, a party named Mro National Party or MNP was formed in Alikadam of Bandarban. The group was involved in various terrorist activities, including murder and kidnapping. Then, in November 2015, 79 members of the group surrendered together. After that, the activities of the group stopped. In the same year, another armed group was formed in Alikadam with some young members of the Tripura ethnic group. Its chief, Rangjuma Tripura, is in hiding.
In November 2017, another party named UPDF Ganantantrik was formed. The group emerged through killings and attacks on UPDF workers. Ahead of the 2018 national elections, an armed group called the Mog Party started operating in Bandarban. According to local sources, some members of the Marma ethnic group formed this group.
The Roots of Conflict
The recent attack by the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) has sent ripples of uncertainty throughout the hills, particularly in KNF-dominated regions. There’s speculation that they might seek alliances with other major armed groups in the hills. However, attention is also warranted towards ongoing armed conflicts between local Meiteis and Kukis in Manipur, India, as well as the KNF’s activities, and the conflicts in Myanmar involving government forces and various groups.
As the hunt for KNF members intensifies, the whereabouts of their chief, Nathan Bom, remain elusive. Reports place him in Switzerland, the Netherlands, or across the border in Mizoram, India, leaving his exact location unclear. While many believe a significant number of KNF members are in Bangladesh, others could be dispersed across Myanmar and Mizoram.
The KNF claims to represent the indigenous people of the Chattogram Hill Tracts, alleging deprivation by the government and the larger population. They advocate for autonomy and challenge traditional land management systems, particularly the authority of circle chiefs over land.
The land issue in the Hill Tracts stems from the influx of Plains Bengalis during the military regime in the 1980s, leading to the displacement of indigenous communities. Despite the formation of a land commission, land disputes persist, affecting all ethnic groups in the hills. The KNF proposes open land ownership in their envisioned Kuki-Chin territory, welcoming settlement by any ethnic group.
The KNF’s motives for aggression could be attributed to evolving demands, shifting from statehood to autonomy while maintaining hostility towards the Jumma Samity (JSS) and regional councils. Their opposition to the JSS, the oldest political party in the hills, remains steadfast, fueled by historical animosities and disagreements over regional governance.
The 1997 Hill Tracts Peace Accord established regional councils and district councils, aiming for local governance autonomy. However, challenges persist, including objections from resettled Bengalis and dissatisfaction among indigenous groups over issues like land rights and police autonomy. Despite attempts to implement the accord, obstacles remain, including opposition from local Bengali organizations.
The absence of district council elections further exacerbates tensions, as governmental positions are filled without electoral representation. The regional council’s effectiveness is questioned, with grievances over unaddressed issues like land rights and law enforcement authority.
KNF’s Regional Influence
The Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) has expanded its activities beyond Bangladesh, establishing a significant presence in Myanmar’s Chin and Rakhine states, as well as in India’s Mizoram and Manipur states. The Kuki-Chin community wields considerable influence in these areas.
In Myanmar’s Chin province, the National Defense Force (CDF), comprising mostly Kuki-Chin members, engages in conflict against the Myanmar government. Meanwhile, in Mizoram, a notable number of Kukis have migrated, contributing to various forms of unrest in the region.
The recent clashes between Kukis and Meitei in Manipur have fueled speculation that the KNF drew inspiration from the multifaceted movements and activities of Kuki-Chinese across the border. Concerns arise that they may be receiving arms and support from these regions. KNF’s current demand for autonomy over large Bandarban areas excludes discussion of Kuki-Chinese-controlled territories across the border.
The recent coordinated attacks in distant locations like Ruma, Thanchi, and Alikadam suggest that the KNF operates in multiple groups. Their display of force indicates a desire to escalate the region’s situation into a full-blown conflict zone.
Challenges to Peace Agreement
The leading persons of the hills, local government experts, and researchers on the hills say that this agreement was a unique example of regional autonomy and decentralization of the administrative system. The goal of self-governance and decentralization would have been achieved if three critical points of the agreement were resolved. The matter of land is entrusted to the Zilla Parishad as per the agreement. Preparation of a uniform voter list of permanent residents of Hills. Under the supervision of the Zilla Parishad, the system of recruitment of manpower below the Sub-Inspector of Police or SI.
JSS leaders are contesting Union Parishad, Upazila, and Parliament elections without a permanent resident voter list and winning, too. So where is the problem? Many people say this, too. The central theme of the JSS movement was decentralization, as was the spirit of the agreement. Many people also think that there is no positive change. There are positive and negative statements about the agreement’s implementation, and the problem should be solved by keeping them in mind.
