Bangladesh’s interim government, led by Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, is facing mounting criticism after granting two new television channel licenses under what observers call a partisan and opaque process that undermines its own promises of transparency, neutrality, and anti-corruption reform.
The controversy comes amid a wider assault on press freedom, marked by criminal cases against journalists, arbitrary detentions, mass revocation of press credentials, and violent mob attacks on media offices since August last year.
Licensing Favoritism Raises Questions
The new licenses were awarded to Arifur Rahman Tuhin, a leader of the National Citizen Party (NCP), and Arifur Rahman, a former member of the National Citizens’ Committee, the NCP’s precursor.
Both recipients told BBC Bangla their channels—Next Television and Live TV—were legally obtained through their companies, 36 Media Limited and another media consortium. Yet critics insist the process favored politically aligned figures close to the interim administration.
Information and Broadcasting Adviser Mahfuj Alam rejected allegations of bias, telling BBC Bangla:
“The government is not shutting down any media. Our goal is to foster a competitive, anti-fascist media environment.”
However, the government’s failure to ensure transparent selection criteria has only reinforced accusations of hypocrisy, casting doubt on Yunus’ reformist rhetoric.
Escalating Persecution of Journalists
Formed after the 2024 army-backed jihadist coup, Yunus’ administration pledged a corruption-free, non-partisan system. Instead, the country has witnessed a 230% surge in attacks on journalists since August 2024, with 878 media workers targeted between August 2024 and July 2025, according to the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG).
RRAG’s World Press Freedom Day 2025 report found 640 journalists were harassed in the first eight months alone.
Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, Executive Director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), lamented:
“This government had an opportunity to build a fair, transparent licensing policy aligned with the Media Reform Commission’s vision. Instead, it has revived old authoritarian habits.”
Kamal Ahmed, head of the Media Reform Commission, said the body’s recommendations for an independent oversight commission were ignored, enabling “cronyism and censorship.”
Wave of False Cases and Imprisonments
Since August 2024, at least 292 journalists have been charged in sweeping criminal cases — including murder, attempted murder, and crimes against humanity — often linked to the July–August 2024 protests.
Thirty-nine have been arrested, and 13 remain imprisoned as of mid-2025.
Among them are Shahriar Kabir, Farzana Rupa, and Shakil Ahmed, who remain detained on fabricated murder charges. Editors Shyamal Dutta (Bhorer Kagoj) and Mozammel Haque Babu face similar politically motivated prosecutions.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) called the charges “outrageous” and “a spiral of revenge,” while the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) labelled them “baseless retaliation” against those critical of the regime.
Since Yunus’ rise, at least 10 journalists have been killed, including Khandaker Shah Alam in June 2025 — a stark symbol of growing impunity.
Mass Revocation of Accreditation Cards
In a move condemned as “punitive censorship,” the Press Information Department revoked accreditation for 167 journalists between October and November 2024, followed by another 118 later that month — totalling 285 revocations by early 2025.
Most of those targeted were perceived to be sympathetic to the Awami League. The move effectively barred them from government briefings and institutions.
The Editors’ Council warned it fosters “a climate of control and censorship,” while RSF called it “incomprehensible self-censorship enforcement.”
TIB described it as “a marker of authoritarian regression.”
Over 1,000 journalists have lost jobs or resigned under duress. Eighty-three press club memberships were revoked, and several media houses were seized or placed under forced administration.
Intimidation and Financial Coercion
Authorities have weaponized financial systems to silence critics. The Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU) froze the bank accounts of 18 journalists and opened investigations into 107 others.
More than 300 reporters face travel bans, and 431 have reported physical intimidation or assault in the past year.
The proposed Cyber Protection Ordinance 2025 threatens to deepen repression online, granting broad powers to prosecute digital expression.
According to CPJ, the result is a “chilling effect across the media landscape,” with journalists like Rahman Mizan and Fazle Rabbi dismissed for questioning government actions.
Mob Violence on Media Outlets
At least 50 media offices have been attacked since August 2024. In the chaotic weeks following Sheikh Hasina’s ouster, mobs looted or burned ATN Bangla, ATN News, Ekattor TV, Independent Television, and Somoy TV, forcing several off-air.
In August 2024, Kaler Kantho and Radio Capital were ransacked; 25 vehicles destroyed. The Chittagong Press Club was also attacked, injuring 20 journalists.
By November 2024, offices of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star were stormed in Dhaka, Rajshahi, and Bogura, after coordinated smear campaigns accusing them of “anti-Islamic reporting.”
RRAG documented 74 cases of newsroom violence, from beatings to arson. The Newspaper Owners’ Association has urged Yunus to “end mob justice and restore media safety.”
Ignored Reform Recommendations
The Media Reform Commission identified deep structural flaws in Bangladesh’s broadcast regulation system, including:
- Lack of transparency and political interference in license approvals.
- No review of licenses issued in the past 15 years.
- Failure to establish a permanent, independent Media Commission for oversight.
Despite these warnings, Yunus’ government has approved 50 television channels (36 operational, 14 pending), many allegedly tied to politically connected investors.
Licensing Irregularities and Cronyism
Applicants must pass scrutiny from the Ministry of Information, Home Affairs, and BTRC, but insiders say political vetting supersedes procedural checks.
Both Tuhin and Rahman insist their channels complied with requirements, yet their proximity to the NCP — and investors linked to the BNP — has cast doubt on neutrality.
Past irregularities persist: the Media Commission previously found that Channel 9’s license sold for Tk22 crore, a transaction the government never investigated.
Since licensing began in 1998, both Awami League and BNP governments used approvals for political reward — a trend the interim government promised to end, but hasn’t.
“The expectation was transformative reform for a free press,” said Dr. Iftekharuzzaman. “Instead, we are witnessing continuity of the same old flaws.”
Government Defense Falls Flat
At an ATCO meeting on Wednesday, Mahfuj Alam defended the move, claiming the process followed “established criteria” and promoted media diversity.
NCP spokesman Sarjis Alam argued that “BNP controls 40 outlets; accusing NCP of bias is political theatre.”
Meanwhile, Azad Majumder posted on Facebook that the government “has ensured freedom of expression,” a claim critics call hollow amid widespread repression.
A Crisis of Credibility
Reports from RRAG, RSF, CPJ, and TIB now converge on a single point: Bangladesh’s interim administration is tightening control over the press while using licensing to consolidate influence.
With media saturation, economic pressure, and shrinking dissent, Yunus’ government faces a stark choice — embrace transparency and reform, or entrench authoritarianism further.
As RSF warns, unless structural safeguards are enacted soon, “Bangladesh risks losing the last remnants of free journalism — and with it, democratic accountability.”
